Германские языки | Филологический аспект №08 (112) Август 2024

Media Representations of Stereotypes about East Anglians: Norfolk vs Cambridgeshire

Кованова Евгения Анатольевна
Кандидат филологических наук, доцент кафедры английской филологии и лингвокультурологии Санкт-Петербургского государственного университета, e.kovanova@spbu.ru
Напольских Екатерина Андреевна
Магистр филологии, katissik@yandex.ru

Аннотация: The paper examines the existing ethno-regional stereotypes about inhabitants of the East of England that are observed in British mass media. The comparative analysis reveals that, although Cambridgeshire and Norfolk are two neighbouring counties, their images constructed in the press differ. Cambridgeshire is portrayed in the media as a place where posh intellectuals with high-brow tastes live; its image is quite positive, although poshness is an ambivalent quality in the British culture often associated with upper-class snobbery and elitism. The heterostereotypes about Norfolk observed in the press tend to be negative, with inbreeding, low intelligence and farming lifestyle heading the list. It is argued that the evaluation of stereotypes about each county is linked to the British class system: upper class is a reference group for other classes and thus evokes positive attitudes, while working class is often treated with disgust or mocked. Other contributing factors include relative isolation of Norfolk due to geography and intergroup differentiation.
Ключевые слова: ethno-regional stereotypes, heterostereotypes, mass media, intergroup differentiation, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire.

Kovanova Evgeniya Anatolyevna
Candidate of Philological Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of English Language and Cultural Studies, St. Petersburg State University
Napolskikh Ekaterina Andreevna
Master of Philology

The phenomenon of stereotypes has been thoroughly studied by psychologists, sociologists, anthropologists and linguists. W. Lippmann was the first to introduce the subject to the academic world: in his 1922 book “Public Opinion”, he defines a stereotype as “images in our minds” that help a person to know the objects of the world. According to Lippmann, we interact with the world having some idea of it, which is transmitted to us in the form of stereotypes. “The stereotype not only saves time in a busy life and is a defense of our position in society, but tends to preserve us from all the bewildering effect of trying to see the world steadily and see it whole.” [1, p. 114].

Although many scholars agree that stereotypes are simplified or generalized beliefs, emotionally charged and stable, sometimes inaccurate and biased [2], stereotypical ideas provide initial knowledge about other people and cultures and thereby might help in communication, save mental efforts and ease culture shock. Stereotypes allow people to model the holistic view of the world, escaping the boundaries of geographical, political and social world. Stereotyping (along with prejudice and discrimination) is considered to be a phenomenon embedded in the social organization of societies and connected to structural factors and larger societal systems [3]. Linguistic research of stereotypes deals mostly with ways they are expressed and function in various discourses (see [4; 5; 6]).

One of the most important functions of social stereotypes is intergroup differentiation as part of the social identity theory formulated by H. Tajfel and J. Turner: people on average want their own group to have a more positive image in comparison to other groups and tend to favour members of one’s own group over those in other groups, as a way to boost their own self-esteem [7]. This differentiation can be achieved by either creating positive stereotypes about one’s own group or by establishing negative stereotypes about out-groups that threaten the positive image of one’s in-group. The result of this differentiation is a set of (mostly positive) autostereotypes about one’s own group and various heterostereotypes about other groups that have a much wider emotional range. Ethnic stereotypes reflect various ethnic phobias and prejudices towards an out-group and their existence can often be explained by specific historic and sociocultural context.

M. V. Moiseev states that the main feature of ethnic stereotypes is their reference function. They consolidate in people’s minds stable associations with the inhabitants of the region, who act as an exemplar of the stereotype. Moiseev gives an example of Scottish people being a reference for “greedy” for English people, but for Scottish people this reference is specifically reserved for people from Aberdeen [8, p. 31]. Ethnic stereotypes, according to Moiseev, can sometimes have a clichéd language form (chiefly, set expressions): Liverpool wash, Glasgow kiss, Philadelphia lawyer. Moiseev differentiates between ethnic/national stereotypes attributed to all people of the particular ethnic group (e.g. Dutch courage) and ethno-regional stereotypes associated with people who reside in a specific region or area (e.g. to come Yorkshire over somebody) [8].

Many researchers and journalists stress the role of mass media in constructing and popularizing over-simplified negative images of different countries, counties, cities or people who live there. According to D. Mastro, media images and depictions play a vital role in our ability to perceive different ethnicities and construct various racial and ethnic stereotypes. Television, social media and commercials create a convenient sketch of how they want a certain group of people to be represented. Some groups are underrepresented or portrayed in a negative light [9]. Regarding British mass media, N. Fairclough notes that it represents the interests and ideologies of the ruling class, which uses media discourse to control society [10]. Similarly, Piltz writes that through the media the upper class can influence public opinion [11, p. 101-102]. Researchers address the phenomenon by exploring the effect various successful sketch-shows, reality-shows, films, sitcoms and media in general have on viewers and readers [12; 13; 19]. The popular shows The Only Way is Essex and Birds of a Feather mock stereotypical Essex girls, the sketch-show Little Britain parodies a stereotypical chav Vicky Pollard who speaks with a strong Bristolian accent, while The Royle Family sitcom reinforces external imaginations of Scousers as lazy, thieving unemployables [13]. Thus, the media definitely play a role in constructing, re-constructing and popularizing negative images of members of a particular class (the so-called demonization of the white working-class [20]) or a particular ethnic/regional group (Scousers from Liverpool, women from Essex, chavs from the West Country, etc.).

This paper deals with ethno-regional stereotypes about inhabitants of the East of England, particularly Norfolk and Cambridgeshire. These two neighboring counties were chosen to show contrasting images constructed by mass media, as well as reflect on the origin and nature of the stereotypes. Despite the fact that these two counties are part of the same region and border each other, the images constructed in the media vary. The issue is approached from the multimodal point of view; the methods used in the study include linguistic description, context analysis, pragma-communicative analysis and comparative analysis. This study is particularly relevant due to the absence of works on the representation of stereotypes about East Anglians in media texts.

Although there are no idiomatic expressions related to Cambridgeshire or Norfolk found in dictionaries (like Glasgow kiss - slang A blow to one's face administered by someone else's head; refers to violence said to be associated with certain parts of Glasgow [21]), the research shows that people from other parts of the UK have stable, emotionally charged, generalized beliefs about people residing in the East of England. As with other social stereotypes, they acquire them from childhood through exposure to jokes, stories, TV news, sitcoms and other forms of media representations. For example, there is a version of a popular joke about a light bulb which features people from Norfolk: How many Norfolk people does it take to change a light bulb? Two, one to change the light bulb and the other to stick his fingers in the socket first, to make sure the electricity is switched on.

Cambridgeshire is a county that is mostly known as the home of the Cambridge University and the Silicon Fen where high-tech businesses are concentrated. The media representations of Cambridgeshire and its residents are greatly influenced by the famed University of Cambridge, which is mainly reflected in stereotypes about them being posh and intelligent. Poshness in Britain is often associated with upper classes, elitism and snobbery. It should be noted that the word posh is mostly used by lower classes about people from upper classes. For example, the Oxford Learner’s Dictionary defines posh as something that can be used disapprovingly to refer to something “typical of or used by people who belong to a high social class” [22]. Thus, it is difficult to identify this particular stereotype as positive or negative, as is often the case with stereotypes about British upper class: they are ambivalent, since upper class often serves as a reference group for other classes who relate or aspire to the group psychologically [5]. In the following examples, lexemes reputation and stereotype serve as lexical markers of the aforementioned beliefs:

1) Cambridgeshire has a bit of a reputation for being posh, partially thanks to its connection with the University of Cambridge. Last year, the historic village Hemingford Abbots was named by the Telegraph as one of the poshest villages in the UK – and the poshest in Cambridgeshire [23].

2) People from Cambridgeshire may be stereotyped as being elitist or snobbish, due to the area's prestigious universities and research institutions [24].

An article from a local news source provides a comprehensive list of heterostereotypes that the author perceives to be untrue; however, this opinion is not expressed explicitly, but implicitly through the use of sarcasm and hyperbole, evident from the choice of lexis and capitalization. Example 3 features a variety of statements that all reflect a stereotype about Cambridge residents being wealthy, for example, by mentioning two expensive British grocery stores (Waitrose and M&S), which are considered to be posh by the lower-middle and working classes, that might opt for shopping at Aldi, a supermarket chain offering discount prices. Grammatically, most sentences containing stereotypes use the pattern we (all)/everyone + the verb in the Present Simple tense sometimes accompanied by the frequency adverbs always and never:

3) We are all MEGA rich. And live in giant houses which overlook Grantchester Meadows. Everyone who lives in Cambridge is posh. We all do our weekly shop at Waitrose or M&S. And we never read anything about Aldi specialbuys [25].

A lot of stereotypes expressed in the same article are related to the University of Cambridge. They range from people being highly educated in Arts and Humanities to being good at rowing and punting, traditional racing sports that Cambridge students partake in:

4) We are all superb rowers and punters too. We're all really smart. And know LOADS about Philosophy, Art and Ancient Greece. We are all fluent in Latin. Everyone who lives in Cambridge has a degree [25].

People residing in Cambridgeshire are stereotyped to be pretentious and having high-brow taste (ex. 5) as they only listen to music on vinyl, despite living in a streaming-era, drink artisan beverages and wear vintage clothes. This stereotype is closely connected with the posh stereotype. 

5) We'll only listen to music if it's on vinyl. We only drink coffee if it is artisan and freshly brewed. Everything we wear is either designer or vintage [25].

As Cambridgeshire is sometimes considered to be part of the Home Counties that surround London, one of the stereotypes is its close geographical and cultural proximity to London. In this regard, Cambridgeshire is often perceived as an “escape” from the city life of London:

6) We're only here at the weekend because we spend all week in London [25].

Examples 3-6 illustrate the use of irony which is often employed in the contexts where the speaker is denying the truthfulness of stereotypes. An addressee can decipher irony from the context of the utterance, using one’s background knowledge of pre-existing stereotypes. The capitalization of certain words and generalization create an ironic description of the residents of Cambridgeshire.  

According to the research, Essex and its residents are often mocked in the media; it is the most stereotyped county in the East of England [14; 15]. However, Norfolk is another county whose residents and accent are often stigmatized. It is one of the most infamous counties in the East of England and is often the subject of jokes in media. One of the most common stereotypes about people from Norfolk being less intelligent than others has found its way in the popular phrase «Normal for Norfolk». Sometimes this stereotype is explained by another popular belief about inbreeding common for the area. The exact origin of the Normal for Norfolk phrase is unclear, but one of the most popular theories is as follows:

7) The phrase ‘Normal for Norfolk’ was first coined by doctors who used it as a derogatory term to describe patients that were more intellectually challenged, writing N.F.N in case notes for the next doctor to see [26].

It is evident that historically the phrase was always used in a derogatory manner, equating Norfolk residency with diminished mental capabilities, however in recent years there has been a push to reclaim the phrase as a sign of Norfolkers having a good sense of humor:

8) So maybe if we started to see the phrase ‘Normal for Norfolk’ as a term of endearment things would change – I personally see it as proof of the ‘Norfucker’s’ ability to laugh at themselves and not take life too seriously [26].

The Norfolk accent is often used by people outside of the county in a mocking manner as it is part of the so-called «Yokel Belt» associated with rural areas stretching from Cornwall to Norfolk. Many Norfolk natives feel that the prejudice is unjust, with Norfolk dialect being the most mocked out of any other dialect in the region. The poor on-screen portrayal of the dialect (for example, in the BBC drama All the King’s Men) prompted the foundation of the Friends of Norfolk Dialect (FOND), with Norwich-born Professor Peter Trudgill who extensively studied it [16], as its president. The Norfolk accent is perceived as rural and unappealing; the words «bootiful», «Naarwich» and the phrase «Thass a rum 'un, bor» (misspelled deliberately to mimic the typical Norfolk drawl) illustrate the most mocked features of the accent. These have become a signature of the Norfolk accent, frequently used in a mocking manner to paint a rural, poorly educated Norfolker:

9) Thass a rum 'un, bor, as Norfolk folk might say. Derided by city slickers and mocked in adverts for "bootiful" Bernard Matthews turkeys [27].

10) Every language and culture was to be respected except one - Norfolk [27].

However, some Norfolk natives are proud of their unique dialect as more and more projects are being funded to reclaim and teach the local variety. It is considered to be an integral part of the local identity, which is of utmost importance for Norfolk folk according to the activists from the Lost in Translation project:

11) It's critically important that youngsters are aware that there's a wonderful, rich dialect that they need to use or lose. It's not something to be ashamed of [27].

One of the heterostereotypes that exist about the county is the prevailing racism. It is often attributed to the fact that Norfolk has been isolated from the rest of the country due to its geography (fens making it hard to travel), which is why it is slightly behind in terms of political correctness. Local residents are negatively portrayed in the media as antisocial, backward, narrow-minded and prone to incest.

12) These racially stereotypical caricatures have been morally unacceptable in this country for years. But not in Norfolk, it would appear. They are racially divisive and antisocial [28].

13) Incest, intergalactic racism, beings with disfigured bodies and six fingers and others covered head to toe in body hair. Does anyone else think “a galaxy far, far away” is actually Norfolk? [29]

Another stereotype observed in the press concerns the lifestyle of its residents: the popular belief is that the county has large farming communities. The following example features a humorous take on this stereotype, as a Norfolk-born teenager created a parody of a popular song by changing the lyrics to describe what he calls «Norfolk Style». The video with the song that has many references to popular jokes went viral and became an Internet sensation.

14) Cuttin' trees down, and drivin' tractors, that's what I like, that's what I like, and that's just the way I Iike to live my life - we got Norfolk Style [30].

The county is portrayed as the rural area with aging population where some eccentric people might want to settle down. The author of the Guardian article Norfolk: the most eccentric county in Britain? explains this by the history of East Anglia, particularly its witch-hunting past:

15) Though Devon, Cornwall and Suffolk run it close, there is probably not another county in Britain with more ageing creative eccentrics per square yard than Norfolk… It's Norfolk's own witchy past that probably plays a big part in this: it's something that, once you've been here long enough, you can feel in the air over a misty fen or at dusk on a quiet, hedged byway, under the light of a nearby church [31].

Despite all the negative and degrading stereotypes, Norfolk is often viewed as an idyllic British rural region with scenic views:

16) It has beautiful countryside and coastlines, friendly people and a good sized county capital – Norwich [29].

When people from Norfolk speak about the stereotypical image of their county, it is no wonder they try to challenge the stereotypes. For example, an article from Visit Norfolk website whose task is to promote the county’s tourism offering, calls it debunking/busting the myths about Norfolk and its residents, such as the belief the county is flat, dull, a cultural backwater, all people are farmers who speak with an incomprehensible accent, etc. [32].

Thus, with the exception of the stereotypical view of Norfolk as a region with beautiful countryside and scenery, which has positive connotations, all other major stereotypes about Norfolk seem to be negative: low intellectual abilities, racist views, inbreeding, rural/farming lifestyle, strong local accent/dialect (associated with working class). Some of these stereotypes can be attributed to the geography: the Fens, a marshy region that occupies the western parts of Norfolk and Suffolk, were prone to flooding, which meant that the contact with other counties was limited. Another factor contributing to the negative stereotyping is the universal us-them opposition and social identity theory which explains the emergence of negative stereotypes about out-groups.

Summing up, the research shows that, despite being part of the same region (the East of England), Cambridgeshire and Norfolk share very few characteristics. Their images constructed in the media differ from each other, with Cambridgeshire associated with upper class intellectuals and evaluated positively and Norfolk associated with rural lifestyle, farmers, low intelligence and other negatively portrayed characteristics. The research also reveals that local residents have a strong sense of local identity and dialect associated with it, while it is difficult to speak about the common East Anglian identity the way one can speak about the Northern identity (which is a result of the North-South divide [17]). The British media either constructs or perpetuates the existing stereotypes; however, the local residents try to challenge the negative heterostereotypes and build a positive image of their counties.

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